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De Rijk  and G. Nuchelmans . Adelard of Bath, Quaestiones naturales 1 and 4; trans. R. C. Dales  39–40. -D. Chenu  4–18. See R. W. Southern’s definitive contribution to the debate in  61–85. Despite his opposition to the new rationalism, Bernard’s own writings represent a considerable reorientation of monastic thought toward Augustinian aspirations to wisdom. The presence of these more “philosophical” rhythms in Latin monastic speculation from the twelfth century on is what makes modern studies of western monastic learning – for example, the three mentioned above at the end of note 14 – typically more reliable guides to high than to central medieval monastic sensibilities.
2. E. R. Dodds  92. 3. See ibid. 105–8 and P. Brown  90–93. 4. See P. Brown  94–95 on these Platonists and how they influenced Augustine. 5. See ibid. 299–307. 6. Proclus, Elements of Theology . Pseudo-Dionysius, The Complete Works . 7. See A. Cameron  and H. J. Blumenthal . 8. See recent work on culture in W. A. Goffart  and P. Amory , and on economy by way of archaeology, in R. Hodges and D. Whitehouse . 9. Still the best introduction to this culture of late-Roman, early medieval Europe is P.
A considerable step down from the Bible and the Qur’an, but still of eminent authority, were the writings of authors to whom tradition had granted special prestige. A number of Christian thinkers came to be especially respected as “doctors” or teachers of the church: in the East, Athanasius, Gregory of Nazianzus, Basil, and John Chrysostom; in the West, the four late Roman writers Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, and Gregory the Great. With the rise from the eleventh century of institutions of ecclesiastical discipline in western Europe, and the accompanying efforts to enforce dogmatic orthodoxy – a phenomenon anticipated by several centuries in East Rome and various power centers of Islam – it became common to cite pronouncements of the church hierarchy as evidence for truth and falsehood and perilous to gainsay them.