By Trevor Wilson
In past due 2004, Myanmar's most sensible recognized normal and long-serving chief of the army regime, basic Khin Nyunt, was once abruptly pushed aside. This surprise improvement, perpetrated via a regime that has defied all predictions of its loss of life and disintegration, generated frequent uncertainty either inside and out the rustic. reputable reassurances approximately carrying on with the 2003 "Road Map" method left many questions on the trail forward unanswered. might political discussion with competition teams be resumed? How could more and more restive ethnic teams reply? might nascent civil society teams have the ability to play a task in nationwide reconciliation? How might the hot management care for the flagging financial system? What are the customers for the big yet under-funded and hugely regulated agricultural zone? This publication addresses those concerns.
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Extra resources for Myanmar's Long Road to National Reconciliation (Proceedings of International Conferences)
Severe cleavages in society need to be mediated. While it is not clear how this might be achieved, given the lack of organizations with a track record of success in dealing with the military authorities, perseverance with any practical form of engagement helps. In the meantime, the SPDC’s essential lack of legitimacy — and their basic inability to overcome this through their current approaches — will remain a major obstacle to a long-term political solution. While it is increasingly hard to identify what might prove to be the catalyst for change, it is nevertheless important to keep trying to find solutions that can break the deadlock between the two opposing sides.
Notes 1 2 3 4 5 6 Formerly known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). A similar investigation into associates of former President Ne Win and his family occurred after the arrest of Ne Win’s family in early 2002, but that was on a much smaller scale. It was criticized for these shortcomings by the United Nations Secretary General, Kofi Annan. “Secretary-General Reiterates that Myanmar’s National Convention Must Be All-Inclusive To Be Credible”, Statement, SG/SM/9309, 17 May 2004.
Ultimately, the Myanmar armed forces and their rigidly hierarchical chain of command determine what is politically possible. The ouster of Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt on 18 October, after sixteen years as the leading public figure in the regime, confirmed that not only do the defence services dominate the polity, but that infantry (tatmadaw kyi) dominate the defence services. General Khin Nyunt’s attempt to maintain his authority as Prime Minister based on his role as head of Military Intelligence6 and the larger National Intelligence Bureau (the latter abolished in the wake of his departure) demonstrated once more Chairman Mao’s adage that political power grows out of the barrel of a gun, not the “ball pen”.